[cs_content][cs_section parallax=”false” separator_top_type=”none” separator_top_height=”50px” separator_top_angle_point=”50″ separator_bottom_type=”none” separator_bottom_height=”50px” separator_bottom_angle_point=”50″ _order=”0″ style=”margin: 0px;padding: 4px 0px 0px;”][cs_row inner_container=”true” marginless_columns=”false” style=”margin: 0px auto;padding: 0px;”][cs_column fade=”false” fade_animation=”in” fade_animation_offset=”45px” fade_duration=”750″ type=”1/1″ class=”cs-ta-left” style=”padding: 0px;”][x_blockquote cite=”” type=”left” class=”introduction”]Angus Shaw interviews three Spanish students on the developing crisis in Catalonia[/x_blockquote][x_image type=”rounded” src=”https://www.rebelessex.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/download-1.jpeg” alt=”” link=”false” href=”#” title=”” target=”” info=”none” info_place=”top” info_trigger=”hover” info_content=”” class=”image”][cs_text class=”caption”]Pro Catalonia freedom graffiti © Graffiti Max Pixel[/cs_text][/cs_column][/cs_row][/cs_section][cs_section parallax=”false” separator_top_type=”none” separator_top_height=”50px” separator_top_angle_point=”50″ separator_bottom_type=”none” separator_bottom_height=”50px” separator_bottom_angle_point=”50″ style=”margin: 0px;padding: 0px;”][cs_row inner_container=”true” marginless_columns=”false” style=”margin: 0px auto;padding: 0px;”][cs_column fade=”false” fade_animation=”in” fade_animation_offset=”45px” fade_duration=”750″ type=”1/1″ style=”padding: 0px;”][cs_text]
Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy has declared his government will be imposing direct control over the autonomous region of Catalonia following its intense battle for independence through a referendum spearheaded by Catalan President Carles Puigdemont.
With the referendum deemed illegal by the Constitutional Court of Spain however carried out regardless, this unique political rift has seen much division on Spanish and Catalan soil about the merits of democracy versus the integrity of the constitutional system. Following Puigdemontâs rejection of Madridâs takeover of the region and over 200,000 Catalans protesting arrests of prominent separatist leaders, many across the world have been left wondering if these events will mark the dawn of another Spanish civil war: similar to the one which left the country struggling through the middle of the last century. I have had the timely opportunity to sit down with three Essex students, two from Catalonia and one from Madrid, who explained to me in personal detail their experiences and thoughts of the unsettling situation in their homeland.
âItâs perfectly just. We were voting, I mean itâs a democratic right that we have, itâs like giving your opinion.â Mireia Serrajordia, a pro-independence activist from Barcelona emphasised. âThe central government canât be happy if a part of its country like Cataloniaâs seven million people arenât happy either. If weâre not alright with Spain they have to let us go, or at least let us say what we think.â
However aside from the high 90% pro-independence vote in a low 42% regional turnout, a figure which Mireia argues âMadridâs suppression of the mediaâ is largely responsible for, not every Catalan is on the same page about the referendums legitimacy, as politics student and fellow Barcelonian David Sancho put it:
âIt shouldnât have taken place. To have a proper binding referendum, we need first a proper independent impartial system that canât be controlled by a couple of parties just because they have the majority in Parliament.â He said. âFor example if you want to change the constitution you need two thirds of parliament, but for this vote they just needed a simple majority. They basically controlled the entire process, we canât make a decision on just less than 50 percent.â
Rajoyâs authority to suspend Cataloniaâs autonomy stems from Article 155 of the 39 year old Spanish Constitution, which deems that in the event of a crisis, Madrid possess the right to strip power away from its devolved regions. Dubbed the ânuclear optionâ, Spanish national and law student Pablo Diaz explained his interpretation of how democracy fits into this constitutional decision:
âDemocracy is about voting and giving your opinion itâs true, but the referendum was done in a way that’s not correct and is unconstitutional. The constitutional court of Spain said it was illegal, so it could have been done in another way.â He added.âIn 1978 the Catalans voted in favour of this constitution. So I think: you voted for it, and now that youâve seen the great things it has given you, you donât want to be part of it when we need come together.â
The decision for Spain to intervene comes after Rajoy felt there were a set of purposefully ambiguous delays by Puigdemont in his clarification of declaring Catalonia independent. However Mireia insisted the âright wayâ had already been attempted many times before:
â[Rajoyâs] decision is clear; he doesnât want to have dialogue with anyone and we canât do anything about it. Our president gave him a deadline of two months to arrive to some kind of agreement before threatening independence, but Rajoy didnât want to meet him and so made it impossible.â She stressed in response to technical legalities raised by Pablo that Puigdemont âhas gone to him many times and tried to do it the right way, but he did it illegally. I mean itâs not the best way Iâm sure of that, but itâs the last option that they give us.â
[/cs_text][x_blockquote cite=”” type=”left” class=”quote”]”The central government can’t be happy if a part of its country like Catalonia’s seven million people aren’t happy either. If we’re not alright with Spain they have to let us go, or at least let us say what we think.”[/x_blockquote][cs_text]
Pablo acknowledged frustrations felt by some Catalans such as Mireia about the central government which reside in his city:
âI think it might be true that the actual [Spanish] government does not want to discuss independence with the Catalans. But that’s because we just had elections in Spain last year, and the party that was elected we knew didn’t want Cataloniaâs independence, they were really clear on that. The most voted party has to keep up with what they said. I believe the good way to have called for a referendum would be to first try and change the constitution, it should be all the Spanish people who decide that.â
The governmentâs move to deny the referendum became riddled with deeper controversy when reports of brutality by Spanish police emerged on the 1st of October during efforts to halt voters. With many seeing this as a powerful weapon for Puigdemontâs cause, David recognised âthere was police brutality Iâm not going to lie. The police should have acted in a different way, but I think Spanish justice will deal with that and will find the person responsible who gave the order. Not [the order] to go against the people, but to do it in that way, because of course the referendum was illegal so the police have to obey the law.â Mireia added âit wasnât necessary. In this confrontation hundreds of people suffered injuries, thereâs been no legal consequences of that, and Iâm afraid that it can get even worse.â
The European Union has been placed in a difficult diplomatic position following headlines of police brutality: Although previously stating the EU does not interfere in domestic politics, the commissionâs President Jean-Claude Juncker has come under fire for advising the Spanish PM to âstop Catalans running amokâ, while First Vice-President Frans Timmermans referred to Police actions as a âproportionate use of forceâ. Pablo reigned in on the debate:
âI think with the Catalonian matter itâs not only the future of Spain thatâs going to be decided, but the future of Europe. And so I think that Jean-Claudeâs interference is legitimate, because if Catalonia gets to the point where theyâre independent illegally, they wonât be part of the EU, the Euro-Zone, or the Schengen space, so it really is a huge problem for Europe. And plus with Brexit right now I donât think they want to have another problem like that.â Mireia argued the EU are in fact not pulling their weight enough on the issue, believing that âthe EU should get into it and act as a mediator; itâs not a good thing that [Juncker] sided with Spain.â
As it stands, Puigdemont has stated he will not accept Spain taking control of Catalonia, leaving many speculating as to whether more forceful methods of securing independence will take the place of the referendum. Aside from legal and political disagreements, all three students admitted plainly that they did not want to see the situation come into the state of conflict it is in now:
âIâm ashamed because itâs the first time in our democracy that this has happened,â David said about Rajoyâs triggering of Article 155, âI mean it will be a relief because thereâs something less to worry about; we will have proper responsible politicians, hopefully, with the [central] government ruling in Catalonia. But I feel ashamed because it will be the first region which Article 155 was used against. However it is arriving late, it should have been been done quite a while ago, at least before the 1st of October. The policeâs actions wouldnât have happened with this article triggered beforehand.â
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Pro Catalonia freedom banner displayed within the Nou Camp in Barcelona. From Wikipedia © Creative Commons
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While in favour of a Catalonia with its own national sovereignty, Mireia fears separation could become dangerous if not sought after in peaceful ways:
âIf Catalans start a revolution then we have a problem. Thatâs my biggest fear. I really hope that Catalans keep resisting as they are doing right now, with pacifist demonstrations and not fighting anyone.” She said. “My perfect wish is that we can achieve [independence] without people dying at all, but then you look at history and it seems like most independent countries havenât achieved it if no one fights, and this is the feeling that most have here. I have friends that are really radical and I have friends that are not on both sides, pro independence and not, and Iâm afraid this could happen.â
Pablo echoed deep concerns from a central-Spanish perspective: âIf there is a rebellion, I hope it wonât be the case, but the last resort to do something about it is sending in the police. But I think itâs one of Spainâs biggest fears, because the civil war we had is not that far away and itâs still in the minds of my grandparents or anybodyâs grandparents today. So I think the Spanish people donât want to get to that point, because it can be really damaging for both Spain and Catalonia.â
Although Rajoy has opted to utilise the ‘nuclear option’ of Article 155, with all its implications towards Spainâs four decade-long democracy since its defeat of fascism, the fate of Cataloniaâs independence still very much hangs in the balance:
âWeâve been fighting this for I donât know how many years. Weâre going to carry on because weâve always carried on.â Mireia confidently said. âAlthough thereâs a big focus for independence now, in 50 years it could go down, but then in 100 years it might go up again, because it goes like that. If you look at Cataloniaâs history it goes like that all the time. If they donât let us do this, the next generation is going to try. Just step by step we will do it one day.â
Pablo also spoke of the historical significance such independence would bring Spainâs relatively new democracy: âThe honest answer is I donât really know, but my hope is that they donât become independent. Because if they ever do I think it will be a total waste of history. Spainâs been [divided] like that for 500 years and that will be 500 years thrown into the trash, so I really hope that they wonât, but we will see.â
David looked at the potential for future independence as fundamentally flawed: âWhat if one Catalan region wants to leave Catalonia – what are you going to do then? How far does independence go? It must be achieved legally.â When posed with these questions, Mireia made the case âBut which one? Most other communities donât have the resources that Catalonia has, so even if they wanted to theyâd just go to ruins. We have all the government organs, theyâre already established. We have language, traditions, departments, everything.” With Catalonia being one of the richest of Spainâs 19 autonomous communities, Mireia argued âwe donât need the other communities money because we have enough of ours, Catalonia can be sufficient for themselves.â
In closing David emphasised the vitalness of international recognition towards independence, regardless of the passion behind it: âNo one will actually recognise Catalonia as a proper independent state. People can always say âweâre independentâ, but if no one recognises it then they wonât be, especially with the EUâs stance on the matter. A huge part of a countryâs make up is its international relations.â Mireia admitted âIâve never said that if Catalonia became independent at any point everything would be fantastic, because it wouldnât. It would be hard for us to start again because the EU wouldnât recognise us, but I think people would make efforts to do that.â
[/cs_text][x_blockquote cite=”” type=”left” class=”quote”]”If there is a rebellion, I hope it won’t be the case, but the last resort to do something about it is sending in the police. But I think it’s one of Spain’s biggest fears, because the civil war we had is not that far away…”
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Throughout the interviews I sensed an air of genuine concern for mutual safety from both sides of the table when it comes to the argument for Cataloniaâs independence, regardless of political beliefs. However as Mireia alluded to, independent nations seem to typically achieve such a status through struggle and strife, with dependency often kept through the same sort of conflicts in their histories. With the time for negotiations seemingly over, the important question I see remaining is how much are both Prime Minister Rajoy and President Puigdemont, as well as their followers, prepared to harm their own countries and communities in order to gain the independence or dependence they truly desire? The uncertain answer may decide the outcome of this crisis.
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